CANDIDATOS INDEPENDENTES EM CIRCUNSTÂNCIAS DE MENOS DE CINCO CIRCUNSTÂNCIAS ESTATUAIS: Frank Atwood (Partido de Constituição de Votos-Colorado) Scott Copeland (Partido de Constituição de Idaho-Texas) Richard Duncan (Independente-Ohio) Princesa Khadijah Jacob Fambro (Partido Revolucionário-Califórnia) Assessor Fiscal Jim Hedges (Partido Proibição-Pensilvânia) Tom Hoefling (Partido das Américas-Iowa) Lynn Kahn (Independente-Maryland) Chris Keniston (Partido dos Veteranos da América-Texas) Kyle Kopitke (Partido Americano Independente-Michigan) Laurence Koltikoff ) Ryan Scott (Independente-Tennessee) Mike Wilson (Independente-Tennessee) Bradford Lyttle (Pacifist Partido-Illinois de Estados Unidos) Joseph QuotJoe Exóticos Maldonado (Independente-Oklahoma) Mike Maturen Delaware) Rod Silva (partido-New-jersey da nutrição) Peter Skewes (partido americano de SC-South Carolina) Mike Smith (independente-Colorado) Dan Vacek (marijuana legal agora Partido - (Independente-Carolina do Norte) Philip Adams (Partido-Geórgia do Mundo Livre) Paul Adams (Independente-Califórnia) William Oren Adams (Independente-Louisiana) Danny (Independente-Kentucky) William Aldridge (Independente-Tennessee) Robert Aldridge (Independente-Tennessee) Jamal Alkhaibari (Independente-Colorado) Darryl Allen (Independente-Washington) Almancil (independente-Pensilvânia) Farley Anderson (partido americano independente-Utá) John Anderson (Partido Populist-Michigan) Roland Aranjo (Independente-Arizona) - Florida) Samuel Baetz (Independente-Minnesota) Dustin Baird (Escrever em-Utah) Ed Baker (Independente-Oregon) Jacob Baker (Trabalho-Carolina do Sul) Don Barnhart Jr. (Independente-Nevada) Parker Baro (Independente-Flórida) Andrew Basiago (Independente-Washington) Adam Baxter (Independente-Utah) Chandler Benn (Independente-Wisconsin) Danny Bennett, - Illinois) Joey Berry (Independente-Carolina do Sul) Maryanne Bridget Berman (Independente Americano-Nova Iorque) Michael Bickelmeyer (Escrever em Ohio) Randy Bizzle (Independente-Carolina do Norte) Florida) David Boarman (Independente-Califórnia) Chad Boisselle (Independente-Carolina do Norte) Sheila Bolar (Independente-Alabama) Matthew Borman (Americano-Flórida) (Escrever no In-Oklahoma) Michael Boyles (Escrever no In-Oklahoma) Michael Boyles (Escrever no In - (Independente-de-Illinois) Joseph Britt Jr. (Independente-Nova Iorque) Peter Breyfogle (Independente-Minnesota) Mark Brooks (Independente-Washington) James Byers (Independente-Indiana) James Brummett (Independente-Indiana) Robert Buchanan (escreva em Virgínia) Sean Burns (Independente-Iowa) Doug Butler (Independente-Washington) ) Scott Cannady (Independente-Flórida) Johnny Campbell (Independente-Iowa) Paul Cannaday (Independente-Michigan) Antonio Cannady (Independente-Flórida) Independente-Tennessee) John Chest (Independente-Texas) John Chesn (Independente-Texas) (Escrever na Geórgia) Christopher Cincotta (Independente-Colorado) Doris Cintron (Independente-Califórnia) Anthony Ciotti III (Independente-Califórnia) quantaSantaquot Roy Clark (Independente-Kentucky) Todd Clayton Jr. - Missouri) John Cole (Independente-Nova Iorque) Amy Conger (Independente-Ohio) Phil Cornell (Independente-Washington) Tom Corwine (Independente-Nova Iorque) Regis Costello (Independente-Virgínia) Thomas Coyne (Independente-Ohio) Philip Crawford (Escrever em Illinois) JD Criveau (Constitucionista-Virgínia) Timothy Croston (Independente-Califórnia) (Independente-Texas) Jada Cvorovic (Independente-Nova Iorque) Kevin Deame (Pirata-Connecticut) César St Augustine DeBuonaparte (Ditador-Califórnia Absoluto) Frank DeCota (Independente-Massachusetts) - Dexas) Craig Dell (Independente-Virgínia) Guy DeMarco (Independente-Missouri) Michael Dename Jr. (Independente-Nova Iorque) Vickie Denz (Independente-Washington) (Independente-Carolina do Norte) Robert Dionisio (Independente-Geórgia) Will Dodds (Escrever em Iowa) Kenneth Domagala (Independente-Nova Iorque) Washington) Colin Doyle (independente-Oregon) A arte tirou (independente-Pensilvânia) Nick Dubois (independente-Virgínia) Keith Duer (escreva em Nova York) Dundee (Independente-Califórnia) Christopher Dunn (Independente-Indiana) Mark Dutter (Independente-Dakota do Sul) Jason Eddy (Independente-Arkasas) (Independente-Geórgia) Jonathan Elliott (Independente-Califórnia) David Epley (Independente-Kentucky) Frank Erwin (Independente-Indiana) Geby Espinoza (Escreva Em - Califórnia) John Paul Eurton (Independente-Indiana) Jonathan Evans (independente-Colorado) Souraya Faas (Independente-Flórida) Mike Fahl (Partido Picker da cereja-Utá) Sam Faldraga Ferry de Charles (Partido-Conservador New-York) Adesivos Em Formato Redondos Campos de Ken (independente-Califórnia) Adesivos Em Formato Redondos Charles Ferdinand (independente-Califórnia) Adesivos Em Formato Redondos Charles Ferdinand Nova Iorque) Arquivos de Caleb-Michael (Independente-Nova Iorque) James Flanders (Independente-Flórida) Flanders de David (Independente-Flórida) Ameer Flippin (escreva no distrito de Colômbia) - Illinois) Jason Fleurs (Independente-Michigan) John Follansbee (Independente-Califórnia) Gregory Foster (Independente-Texas) Cherunda Fox (Escrever em-Michigan) Jefferson (Independente-Flórida) Jefferson (Independente-Estados Unidos) Jefferson ) Neg Gibbs (Independente-Washington) Giordani Rochoso (Independente-Califórnia) William Giornio (Escrever na Pensilvânia) Steve Gladstone (Independente-Maryland) - California) Jeremy Gove (Independente-Califórnia) Mark Graham (Escrever na Flórida) Barry Grauman (Independente-Massachusetts) Hosanna Gray (Independente-Michigan) (Independente-Nevada) John Habjan (Partido Conservador Constitucional-Virgínia Ocidental) Martin Hahn (Independente-Oregon) Emanuel Hammond (Independente-Oregon) - Arkansas) Maxwell Hansen (Independente-Illinois) Raymond Harding (Constitucional-Virgínia) Scott Harkins (Independente-Flórida) Emerson Harris (Escrever na Flórida) Christopher Hart (Escrever em Nebraska) Escrever em Ohio) Ronald Hartsfield (Independente-Flórida) David Hendrix (Independente-Carolina do Norte) Phillip Hill (Independente-Pensilvânia) Sam Hoff (Independente-Delaware) (Independente-Indiana) Richard Holloway Jr. (Independente-Carolina do Sul) Rick Hopkins (Independente-Michigan) Mark Houston (Independente-Nova Jersey) Independente-Maryland) Frank Huber II (Partido Independente Americano-Ohio) Jeff Huettl (Independente-Wisconsin) Eugene Hunt Jr. (Independente-Michigan) Christopher quotKaelasquot Hurley Independente-Massachusetts) Patrick Irwin (Independente-Washington) Tom Irwin (Americano-Pensilvânia) Zoltan Istvan (Transhumanist-Califórnia) CJ Jackson (Independente-Pensilvânia) Jackson (Independente-Utah) Paul Jacobson (Independente-Indiana) Steven Jacobson (Independente-Califórnia) Darin Janda (Independente-Washington) Michael Jenkins (Independente-Virgínia) Gerald Jennings II Virgínia) Keya Jerry (independente-Virgínia) Edward Jewell Sr. (independente-Indiana) Barry Johnson (independente-Kansas) Ed Jones (independente-Ohio) Independente-Flórida) Vincent Jones II (Bull Moose-Carolina do Sul) Keith Josephs (Independente-Nova Iorque) Anik Joshi (Partido Independente Americano-Califórnia) Richard Karst (Independente-Califórnia) (Independente-Nova Iorque) Elizabeth Kirk (Independente-Virgínia) Gary Kittredge (Independente-Nova Iorque) Darren Klein (Independent-New York) (Independente-Virgínia) Thomas Labo (Independente-Massachusetts) Lança de Temperance (Independente-Virgínia) Thomas Knight (Independente-Nevada) David L. Larm (Independente-Minnesota) Abadia Laurel-Smith (Pilgrims Alliance-Louisiana) James T. Law (Independente-Califórnia) Michael Lednovich (Independente-Califórnia) Robert (Independente-Virgínia) James Legan (Independente-Geórgia) James Legate Jr. (Partido dos contribuintes dos EU-Texas) Robert Lehigh (inspiração-Utá) Michael quotLevquot Levinson David Librace (Escrever em Arkansas) Brian Lichtenfels (Independente-Pensilvânia) David Tawei Lin (Independente-Califórnia) Tom Lineaweaver (Partido de Liberdade EUA-Pensilvânia) Livingston (Independente-Connecticut) Junho Lloyd (Independente-Washington) Jack Logsdon (Independente-Virgínia) Bruce Lohmiller (Escrever no Colorado) Tony Loup (Independente-Nova Iorque) ) Randall Lutz (Independente-Flordia) William Lynch (Independente-Nova Iorque) Raymond Mace (Independente-Geórgia) Deborah MacKimzey (Independente-Texas) Robert MacLeod Jr. (Indonésia-Independente) Maher Maher (Independente-Nova Jersey) Lucy Mailloux (Independente-Arizona) Devon Manelski (Independente-Michigan) Robert Mann (Independente-Indiana) Shawna Martinez (Independente-Kentucky) Johnny Martin (Independente-Califórnia) Benjamin Markgraff (Independente-Dakota do Norte) Christian Jay quotCjayquot Marshall (Independente-Tennessee) Nikki McCoig (Independente-Massachuetts) Richard Matheson (Partido Oathkeepers-Illinois) Mark Matousek (Partido Ace-Missouri) Angie McCall (Independente-Flórida) Benson McCall (Independente-Indiana) Patrick McKenna (Independente-Indiana) Patrick McKear (Independente-Indiana) Patrick McKart (Independente-Indiana) Jennifer McEachern (Independente-Carolina do Sul) Scott Miller (Independente-Califórnia) Robert QuotJuniorquot Mejias (Independente-Nevada) Roland Menard III (Moderação Afiliação-Havaí) Alemão Quinones Mercado Jr. (Distrito Independente de Columbia) Andrew Mickert (Independente-Virgínia) Georgie Mikles (Independente-Nevada) Alexander Miller (Independente-Califórnia) Merlin Miller (Americano Eagle-Califórnia) Independente-Califórnia) Robert Milnes (Alliance-New-jersey libertário progressivo) Elmer Mohr (Independente-Oregon) Corey Molinelli (constitucional-Texas) Kevin Montgomery Morio (Independente-Missouri) David Morascini (Independente-Connecticut) Perry Morcom (Independente-Texas) Kevin Moreau (Independente-Califórnia) (Independente-Flórida) Shawn Moynihan (Independente-Flórida) Tony Mullikin (Independente-Flórida) Hilary Myers (Independente-Ohio) Michael Napodano (Independente - Texas) Jim Nash (Independente-Missouri) Katie Naylor (Independente-Washington) Michael Neal (Escrever em Missouri) Bill Nees (Independentes estadistas-Georgia) Craig Neff (Independente-Maryland) - Virginia) Michael Nicely (Independente-Illinois) Roger Nichols (Partido Unido-Missouri) Thomas Nieman (Escrever em Colorado) Rogelio Nuno (Independente-Califórnia) Matthew OConnor (Independente-Ohio) Timothy OGrady Independente-Louisiana) Michael Oatman Independente-Arizona) Lawrence Obern (Independente-Maryland) Jeffrey Oleyar (Escreva em Ohio) Bryan Ollivier (Independente-Califórnia) Independente-Mississippi) Joel Pearson (escreva dentro-Texas) Joel Pearson (escreva dentro-Texas) - Montana) Darryl Perry (Escrever no Texas) Michael Peuler (Independente-Pensilvânia) Marty Piatt (Independente-Califórnia) Louis Pica (Independente-Nova Jersey) Independente-Illinois) Robert Pool (Independente-Geórgia) Samuel Powell (Distrito Independente de Colômbia) Kenneth Preston (Independente-Flórida) Jessica Priester (Escrever em Arizona) Donald Proctor Jr. (Escrever em Massachusetts) Cynthia Pryber - Illinois) Michael Puskar (Independente-Maryland) Kelley Bracken Rainey (Independente-Carolina do Sul) Dinesh Ravishanker (Novo Branco-Califórnia) Reed (Independente-Flórida) Bob Reed (Independente-Flórida) Carl Renowitzky (Independente-Califórnia) Sam Resibord (Independente-Pensilvânia) Darwin Misha Reedy James R. Courtney (Independente-Illinois) Clifton Roberts (Partido Humano-Califórnia) Charles Robichaud (Escrever na Ilha Rhode) Joseph Rodgers (Independente-Illinois) Ian Rodriguez (Escrever na Flórida) (Independente-Maryland) John Rosenbaum (Indonésia-Independente) John Rosenbaum (Independente-Florida) John Rosenbaum (Independente-Oregon) John Saraceno (Independente-Indiana) Dave Sartin (Veteranos Partido-Oeste de Virgínia) William Arrie (Independente-Oregon) Arron Rudeen (Independente-Washington) John Schwartz (Independente-Illinois) Joe Schriner (Independente-Ohio) Guy Schwartz (Independente-Texas) (Independente-Tennessee) Michael Scruggs (Independente-Illinois) James Sewell III (Independente-Texas) Anthony Shahmoradi (Independente-Pensilvânia) Ryan Shepard (Independente-New York) South Carolina) Mark Simpson (Independente-Texas) Michael Simmons (Independente-Texas) David Simmons (Independente-Texas) David Simmons (Independente-Texas) Mark Shirley Independente-Illinois) ) Michael Simmons (Independente-Colorado) Mary Erwin Simpson (Distrito-Independente de Colômbia) Monroe Pierce Singleton (Paz Partido-Oregon) Scott Smith (Independente-Colorado) Tony Smith Smitherman (Independente-Colorado) Scott Smith (Independente-Colorado) Texas) George Norton Snider (Partido Cristão Independente-Flórida) Spencer Snyder (Independente-Texas) Jack Sparrow (Independente-Oregon) David Sponheim (Terceiro Partido-Washington) (Escrever em-Inverno) Scott Stevens (Escreva em-Inverno) Scott Stephens (Escrever em-Oregon) Scott Stephens (independente-Nova Iorque) Shawna Sterling (independente-Kentucky) Corey Sterner (Independente-Flórida) Ricky Joe QuotAverage Joequot História (Independente-Flórida) Christopher Strunk (Independente-Nova Iorque) Dexter Suber (Partido dos Cidadãos Unidos-Carolina do Sul) Karin Swanson (Democrata-Texas Socialista) Josh Thomas (Independente-Califórnia) Robert Szekely (Independente-Colorado) Sonya Tabor (Escrever em Texas) Paul Tape Jr. (Chá-Flórida) Carolina do Sul) Judah Thomas (independente-Connecticut) Mary Thomas (escreva em Maryland) Morris Kent Thompson (independente-Florida) Troy Thompson (independente-Geórgia) Douglas Thomson (escreva em Ohio) Tommy Turner (independente-Virgínia) Mathew Tyler (Independente-Flórida) Tommy Turner (independente-Flórida) (Independente-Carolina do Norte) Matthew Unsworth (Independente-Califórnia) Joshua Usera (Independente-Dakota do Sul) Tony Valdivia (Escrever no Texas) Stanley Valentine (Independente-Flórida) Harold Van Allen (Independente-Míchigan) Bernu Jr. (Independente-Nova Iorque) Mark Van De Wege (Independente-Michigan) Gabriel Van Duren (Independente-Utah) Mary Vann (Partido dos Direitos Humanos-Illinois) (Independente-Ohio) Robert Vince Jr. (Independente-Ohio) Phillip quotAndyquot Vineyard (Independente-Kansas) Andrew Vitale (Escreva em Nova York) Marilyn Volz-Hazel Walker (Independente-Califórnia) Michelle quotHopequot Walker (Independente-Califórnia) Victor Walker (Independente-Maryland) Kelso David Wallace (Escrever na Flórida) William Wallace (Independente-Alabama) (Independente-Califórnia) David Wesson (Independente-Oeste de Virgínia) Kevin West (Independente-Arkansas) Terry Wheelock (independente) - Texas) Bob Whitaker (Partido da Liberdade Americana-Carolina do Sul) Melissa White (Personal-Indiana) Ron White (Independente-Califórnia) Thomas Wicker (Independente-Nova Iorque) Michigan) Kent Williams (Independente-Flórida) Linel Williams III (Independente-Carolina do Norte) Mitchell Williams (Escrever na Flórida) Steven Wilson (Escrever no Missouri) Mark Wimmer (Independente-Virgínia) (Independente-Califórnia) Dan Woodring (Escrever na Flórida) Jason Woodward (Escrever em New Hampshire) Curtis Woolsey (Partido Cristão-Arizona) Nicholas Ximenez (Independente-Texas) DyJuan D. Barnes Yahweh Independente-Tennessee) Kenneth Young (Direito à Vida-Califórnia) Chuck Zeiger (Independente-Arizona) David Zjejewski (Independente-Nova Jersey) Robert Zorn (Independente-Vermont) Biblioteca - este local contem apenas sobre qualquer coisa que você poderia sempre querer saber sobre a influential New Hampshire presidencial preliminar - including um diretório de cada candidato que funcionasse nunca no NH principal. Mantido pela biblioteca do estado de New Hampshire, a faculdade do St. Anselm, os arquivos do estado de New Hampshire ea sociedade histórica de New Hampshire. C-SPAN: Caminho para a Casa Branca - Informações, links e alguns eventos de streaming de vídeo de uma das principais fontes nacionais de cobertura de televisão política bruta. Abrange os vários candidatos presidenciais prováveis. Constantemente atualizado. Esta publicação respeitada - fundada em 1985 pelo ativista libertário Richard Winger - acompanha as tentativas de terceiros e candidatos independentes para vários escritórios para garantir o acesso à cédula nos 50 estados. O site também acompanha as mudanças na lei, os desafios judiciais e outras curiosidades interessantes de notícias de terceiros que você costuma encontrar em outro lugar. Use esta página para se manter atualizado sobre qual terceiro e candidatos independentes serão e não aparecerão na votação das eleições gerais de seus estados. Democracia em Ação: P2016 - Um ótimo site tem muitas informações detalhadas sobre o concurso presidencial de 2012. Publicado por Eric Appleman da GWU. Eric tem coberto as corridas da Casa Branca começando com as eleições de 2000. Muito útil, bem equilibrado. Um grande recurso. Atlas das eleições presidenciais dos EUA - Dave Leip preparou este site muito informativo, que fornece resultados de votação histórica das eleições gerais presidenciais de 1860-2012. Abrange os totais de votos para os principais candidatos do partido e os 2-3 melhores candidatos de terceiros em cada corrida. Mapas e gráficos coloridos, também. PollingReport - Por que se preocupar em reinventar a roda e escrever nossa própria página de rastreamento de poll quando esta excelente página já existe. Para acompanhar as tendências em todas as últimas pesquisas na corrida da Casa Branca, basta visitar este site. Comissão de Debates Presidenciais - Estabelecida por líderes dos dois principais partidos para assegurar que os debates permaneçam uma parte permanente de todas as eleições gerais, esta organização sem fins lucrativos e bipartidária patrocinou todos os debates presidenciais da eleição geral desde 1988. Suas regras de participação controversa e restritiva excluem, Partidos (mesmo os maiores) de participarem desses debates televisados nacionalmente. VicePresidentes - Ninguém presta muita atenção aos vice-presidentes - ou, pelo menos, eles didnt utilizado para - exceto para esses caras. História, trivia, citações, bios, e mais. 4President. org - um museu em linha dos folhetos da campanha presidencial, dos autocolantes no vidro traseiro e dos speches chaves de 1960 com a campanha 2008. Um ótimo site para viciados políticos. O Candidato Sala de Estar - O Museu Americano da Imagem em Movimento apresenta este grande museu on-line da campanha presidencial comerciais de TV. Os anúncios, que cobrem todas as eleições desde 1952 (Ike vs Stevenson), são um recurso surpreendente. Quando confrontado com um embuste bizarro como app Blazing Trader, você tem que fazer as perguntas difíceis ou correr o risco de perder o seu dinheiro da maneira mais tola . Como é agora, nenhum software humano ou comercial pode fazer 20k por dia. Em segundo lugar, não há nada como o comércio oposto defensivo. Esta é apenas conversa sem sentido que é voltada para fazer você se sentir bem e agir sem x02026 Leia mais. Acabamos de bater em outro robô scam chamado Auto Money Maker app, e pensamos que merece uma revisão completa aqui. A apresentação definitivamente nos deixa com tantas perguntas para fazer. Não podemos simplesmente nos contentar com alegações que não podem ser comprovadas. Você vê, o arremesso de vendas é algo que só pode ser usado para convencer um de 5 anos de idade. Mas desde weve sido jogar o jogo para bastante x02026 Leia mais. O BinaBot parece ser confiável software de negociação automática, mas é importante saber com certeza se ele pode ser confiável ou se é uma farsa. Nossas investigações de revisão provam que pode ser confiável e não é uma farsa. Leia esta revisão BinaBot para saber mais sobre como ele funciona e as vantagens de usar este software. Este Binabot é a versão melhorada do Binadroid x02026 Leia mais. Aqui está outro scam bem apresentado Quantum Code com um vídeo de vendas credível No entanto, vamos expô-los em nosso Quantum Code Review abaixo Você pode ter recebido uma recomendação para entrar no Quantum Code Software e fazer milhões de dólares no menor tempo possível e pode parecer Possível do passo que você assistiu, mas antes de ir perseguindo o vento, x02026 Leia mais. Existe este software que está indo viral na internet. Estamos falando sobre Instant Cash Club App. É retratado como um software que o fará ganhar dinheiro facilmente no piloto automático completo. É verdade que precisamos de dinheiro para viver confortavelmente. Mas com Instant Cash Club System, não espere muito. Esta é uma farsa pura. Tudo sobre ele levanta a bandeira vermelha. Fique x02026 Leia mais. Você acha que Code Fibo Software é uma farsa Nós analisamos este sistema e acreditamos que esta App CodeFibo pode fazer qualquer um dinheiro. O Código Fibo Software é um novo programa que visa tornar seus usuários dinheiro através de negociação automática de ações usando algoritmos sofisticados para o comércio de ações, este sistema vender ações no momento certo para fazer o usuário x02026 Leia mais. O sistema Gemini 2 é uma plataforma web fraudulenta que está fora de enganá-lo de seu dinheiro arduamente ganho. Temos a evidência e você precisa ler esta revisão antes de clicar no link de e-mail enviado a você por um amigo. O Gemini2 afirma ser uma plataforma automatizada de negociação de opções binárias que foi criada por Brandon Lewis, uma identidade fictícia criada pelos fraudadores atrás de x02026. Leia mais. A revelação que estamos recebendo agora é que o software Trader Terabit é uma farsa. O homem que está ativamente promovendo é chamado Richard Heffner, e indo por suas proclamações, você pode claramente sentir que ele está vendendo-lhe um negócio vazio. Isso é suposto para queimar sua conta e convertê-lo em uma conta 0 em nenhum momento. Mas para eles para alcançar esta missão, eles têm que x02026 Leia mais. Se você visitou o site Methodox app e estão considerando se tornar um membro, você deve ler esta revisão antes de investir qualquer dinheiro para ele. Temos provas de que o Methodox 2.0 é uma farsa. Parece bom quando você primeira revisão as informações por isso decidimos investigar ainda mais. O que encontramos foi perturbador e queremos compartilhar os resultados de nossa revisão Methodox 2.0 com x02026 Leia mais. Realmente diz algo quando um bando de golpistas concluem que um de seus projetos foi tão bem sucedido que merece ser ressuscitado. No caso do Evergreen Formulla app isso é exatamente o que aconteceu. Este site é idêntico ao esquadrão da Fórmula Greenwood além de um pouco de edição e um vídeo de apresentação terrível novo. É mendigo a crença de que o GF foi tão x02026 Leia mais. Altamente confiável Auto TraderCode Fibo App Review 8211 Sistema Codefibo é 100 Scam Free Software 3.93 / 5 (60) 5 de outubro de 2016 Por admin CodeFibo é um novo software de negociação de opções binárias que lançou recentemente na indústria. E podemos dizer que é o software de sistema único que veio sem falsas promessas e depoimentos como outros sistemas de scam. Como CodeFibo App é o novo participante no mercado de negociação de opções binárias, por isso é bastante óbvio que os comerciantes on-line teria muito interesse saber sobre o x02026 Leia mais. Auto Money Maker Review 8211 é Scam Software ou Legit 8211 100 Scam 2.22 / 5 (9) 4 de outubro de 2016 Por administrador Auto Money Maker software é o último golpe no mercado de opções binárias que está indo viral. A pessoa que aparece na apresentação de vídeo mostra vários sonhos impossíveis de comprar carros de luxo e muito mais fazendo dinheiro enorme usando o novo sistema de Money Maker automático. O proprietário também alega que o sistema é 100% rentável. Mas este novo sistema que é x02026 Leia mais. O que faz de você um comerciante de veteranos e um recém-chegado é a capacidade de localizar as diferenças entre uma plataforma de negociação profissional e um comerciante cheio de vantagens e desvantagens. Plataforma que é uma farsa. Enquanto isso, o mercado de opções binárias é um mercado fenomenal que pode transformar vidas de pessoas que está cheio de sites que prometem lucros, mas na verdade eles vêm para ser fraudes. Um x02026 Leia mais. Instant Cash Club Review 8211 Instant Cash Club Scam Software ou Legit 2.63 / 5 (8) 01 de outubro de 2016 Por admin Instant Cash Club Review: Clube de dinheiro instantânea é dito ser fundada por Thomas Jordan, que é um software cem por cento scam em binário Negociação. O software em seu vídeo oficial nos disse muitas coisas sobre os ganhos com Instant Cash Club, que é completa falso. No início do vídeo oficial você vai encontrar um homem falando com Thomas Jordan em um telefonema e uma menina x02026 Leia mais. Banc De Binary Review 8211 É Banc De Binary um Scam Legit Broker 2.85 / 5 (13) 1 de outubro de 2016 Por admin Olá, hoje Nesta revisão, você vai aprender sobre Banc De Binary software que é um dos melhores e confiáveis binário Software de negociação de opções disponíveis no mercado. O Sr. Oren Laurent é o CEO do software de negociação Banc De Binary. Foi fundada no ano de 2010 com a finalidade de fornecer opções binárias trading software para os comerciantes do mundo. A sede x02026 Leia mais. Big Banks Method é um novo sistema de fraudes baratas que parece estar fazendo rodadas na internet ultimamente. Este é um do software scam ridículo que você encontrará. Há muitas coisas sobre o software que não é apenas suspeito, mas ridiculamente engraçado também. O apresentador que vai pelo nome Aaron Davis fala sobre as possibilidades de ganhar uma quantidade enorme de x02026 Leia mais. QBITS Mega Lucro Revisão do Sistema 8211 É Qbits Software Scam ou Legit 1,75 / 5 (8) 28 de setembro de 2016 Por administrador Jeremy Hart afirmou ser o dono do QBITS Mega Profit System e também o fundador do Rich Nerd Club em Seattle, WA , EUA. Seu sistema encontrou bastante decepcionante quando eu tenho uma revisão sobre este sistema. QBITS Mega Profit System é um novo software de negociação automatizado para a negociação de opções binárias. E hoje, neste artigo vou deixar você saber o melhor do QBITS Mega Lucro x02026 Leia mais. Terabit Trader Review 8211 É Terabit Trader App um Scam ou Legit System 2/5 (1) 27 de setembro de 2016 Por admin Trader Terabit é o software mais horrível para a plataforma de negociação de opções binárias. Aqui eu estou indo dizer-lhe porque este software é um SCAM real e porque você deve ignorar este. Afirma ser legítimo e lucrativo para os comerciantes que investem neste sistema sem qualquer conhecimento sobre o seu software. O fundador e CEO desta negociação de opções binárias é chamado como x02026 Leia mais. Pague minha revisão das férias. É Software Trustworthy 8211 Scam horrível Exposto 1.76 / 5 (17) 27 de setembro de 2016 Por admin Pay My Vacation é o golpe mais horrível que eu já encontrei. Quem veio com a idéia do software é seriamente um criminoso online de baixa vida. Não há nenhuma chance de ganhar qualquer lucro com este sistema desastroso. Mesmo que toda a coisa foi criada para armadilhas inocentes, há alguns que ainda estão se perguntando se isso realmente funciona. Então, eu sugiro x02026 Leia mais. Zero Loss Formula Review: É Scam Software ou Legit 8211 100 Scam 1.76 / 5 (25) 26 de setembro de 2016 Por admin Hey lá, há outro software para todos os comerciantes de opções binárias. Isso é algo muito novo para o mercado, ea fórmula de perda zero parece ser muito agressiva em spam on-line. Este software tem sido a publicidade através de e-mails e muitos outros sites de mídia social, então eu decidi encontrar se este software é genuíno ou se é uma farsa como o outro x02026 Leia mais. Mensagens recentesThe Atlantic The Great Republican Revolt As pessoas mais angriest e pessimista na América não são os manifestantes hipster que entrou e saiu de Occupy Wall Street. Eles arent os hashtavists de BlackLivesMatter. Eles não são os restos do movimento trabalhista americano ou os jovens sonhos espertos que confrontam os políticos com seus acentos americanos e status jurídico não-americano. As pessoas mais angustiadas e pessimistas na América são as pessoas que costumávamos chamar de americanos medianos. Pessoas de classe média e de meia-idade não são ricas e não pobres que se irritam quando pedem para pressionar 1 para o inglês, e que se perguntam como o homem branco se tornou uma acusação ao invés de uma descrição. Você pode medir seu pessimismo nas pesquisas que perguntam sobre suas expectativas para suas vidas e para as de seus filhos. Em ambos os casos, os brancos sem um diploma universitário expressam a visão mais desoladora. Você pode ver os efeitos de seu desespero nas novas estatísticas descrevendo horríveis taxas de suicídio e toxicodependência fatalidade entre este mesmo grupo, na meia-idade. Os americanos de meia-média expressam a desconfiança pesada de cada instituição na sociedade americana: não somente o governo, mas corporaçõs, uniões, mesmo o partido que política tipicamente votam para o partido republicano de Romney, de Ryan, e de McConnell, que desprezam como uma tripulação triste dos weaklings e Sellouts Eles estão chateados. E quando Donald Trump apareceu, foram as pessoas que disseram aos pesquisadores: Esse é o meu cara. Eles não são necessariamente superconservadores. Eles muitas vezes não pensam em termos ideológicos em tudo. Mas eles sentem fortemente que a vida neste país costumava ser melhor para pessoas como eles e eles querem que o país mais velho de volta. Você ouve de pessoas como eles em muitos outros países democráticos também. Em toda a Europa, os partidos populistas estão entregando uma mensagem que combina a defesa do Estado-providência com ceticismo sobre a imigração que denuncia a corrupção da democracia parlamentar e também os riscos do capitalismo global. Alguns destes partidos têm um sabor leftish, como o movimento de cinco estrelas de Italys. Alguns são enraizados à direita do centro, como o partido da independência de U. K. Alguns descendem de neofascistas, como a Frente Nacional Francesa. Outros traçam seu DNA para os partidos comunistas, como a Eslováquia que governa a Direção da Democracia Social. Estes populistas procuram defender o que os franceses chamam de cuidados de saúde, pensões e outros programas que beneficiam os idosos contra banqueiros e tecnocratas que exigem sem cessar austeridade contra os migrantes que fazem novas reivindicações e desafiam caminhos habituados contra um mercado globalizado que deprime salários e benefícios. Nos Estados Unidos, eles se inclinam republicanos porque temem que os democratas querem tirar deles e redistribuir para os americanos que são mais novos, mais pobres, e na sua opinião menos merecedor de espalhar a riqueza em torno, no candidato Barack Obama palavras para Joe o canalizador em volta 2008. No entanto, eles têm vindo a temer cada vez mais fortemente que seu partido não tem os seus melhores interesses no coração. Contra todas as provas, os doadores do GOP interpretaram o Tea Party como um movimento em favor da agenda da página editorial do Wall Street Journal. A maioria dos republicanos teme que as corporações e os ricos exercem muito poder. Seus líderes partidários trabalham para garantir que esses mesmos grupos possam exercer ainda mais. Mainstream Republicanos estavam bastante à vontade com aumentos de impostos sobre as famílias que ganham mais de 250.000 no rescaldo da Grande Recessão eo estímulo subsequente. Seus congressistas tinham as prioridades opostas. Em 2008, muitos eleitores primários republicanos haviam concordado com o ex-governador de Arkansas, Mike Huckabee, que queria que seu próximo presidente lhes lembrasse o cara com quem trabalhavam, e não o cara que os despediu. Mas esses republicanos não contavam muito depois que as primárias terminaram, e a política normal recomeçou entre os democratas multiculturais e um GOP plutocrático. Este ano, eles estão contando para mais. Sua rebelião contra o poder do dinheiro organizado tem virado a política americana de maneiras que podem reverberar por um longo tempo. Para entender o que pode vir a seguir, devemos primeiro rever o passado recente. Ben Carson em uma reunião da cidade-salão na universidade de New-Hampshire. Ao longo desta história, os candidatos GOP são mostrados no coto no Estado de Granito no verão passado e outono, em fotografias tiradas para o Atlântico e New Hampshire revista. (Mark Ostow / New Hampshire magazine / The Atlantic) Há muito tempo atrás, muitos observadores estavam preocupados com o fato de os americanos perderem o interesse pela política. Em seu famoso livro Bowling Sozinho. Publicado em 2000, o cientista social Robert Putnam lamentou o colapso da participação política americana durante a segunda metade do século XX. Putnam sugeriu que essa tendência continuaria como a geração da Segunda Guerra Mundial deu lugar a Gen Xers desengajados. Mas mesmo enquanto o livro de Putnams entrou no livro de bolso, essa noção estava caindo atrás dos tempos. Nas eleições presidenciais de 1996, a participação dos eleitores caiu para o nível mais baixo desde a década de 1920, menos de 52%. A participação aumentou ligeiramente em Novembro de 2000. Em seguida, de repente: overdrive. Nas eleições presidenciais de 2004 e 2008, a participação dos eleitores aumentou para níveis não vistos desde antes da idade de votação ter sido reduzida para 18, e em 2012 apenas diminuiu. Os eleitores ficaram entusiasmados com uma tempestade de eventos de divisão: a quebra de pontos-com, a recontagem Bush-versus-Gore, os ataques terroristas do 11/9, a Guerra do Iraque, a crise financeira, os resgates e o estímulo. Putnam estava certo de que os americanos estavam se afastando das fontes tradicionais de informação. But that was because they were turning to new ones: first cable news channels and partisan political documentaries then blogs and news aggregators like the Drudge Report and The Huffington Post after that, and most decisively, social media. Politics was becoming more central to Americans identities in the 21st century than it ever was in the 20th. Would you be upset if your child married a supporter of a different party from your own In 1960, only 5 percent of Americans said yes. In 2010, a third of Democrats and half of Republicans did. Political identity has become so central because it has come to overlap with so many other aspects of identity: race, religion, lifestyle. In 1960, I wouldnt have learned much about your politics if you told me that you hunted. Today, that hobby strongly suggests Republican loyalty. Unmarried In 1960, that indicated little. Today, it predicts that youre a Democrat, especially if youre also a woman. Meanwhile, the dividing line that used to be the most crucial of them allclasshas increasingly become a division within the parties, not between them. Since 1984, nearly every Democratic presidential-primary race has ended as a contest between a wine track candidate who appealed to professionals (Gary Hart, Michael Dukakis, Paul Tsongas, Bill Bradley, and Barack Obama) and a beer track candidate who mobilized the remains of the old industrial working class (Walter Mondale, Dick Gephardt, Bill Clinton, Al Gore, and Hillary Clinton). The Republicans have their equivalent in the battles between Wall Street and Main Street candidates. Until this decade, however, both partiesand especially the historically more cohesive Republicansmanaged to keep sufficient class peace to preserve party unity. Not anymore, at least not for the Republicans. The Great Recession ended in the summer of 2009. Since then, the U. S. economy has been growing, but most incomes have not grown comparably. In 2014, real median household income remained almost 4,000 below the pre-recession level, and well below the level in 1999. The country has recovered from the worst economic disaster since the Great Depression. Most of its people have not. Many Republicans havent shared in the recovery and continued upward flight of their more affluent fellow partisans. It was these pessimistic Republicans who powered the Tea Party movement of 2009 and 2010. They were not, as a rule, libertarians looking for an ultraminimal government. The closest study we have of the beliefs of Tea Party supporters, led by Theda Skocpol, a Harvard political scientist, found that Tea Partiers judge entitlement programs not in terms of abstract free-market orthodoxy, but according to the perceived deservingness of recipients . The distinction between workers and people who dont work is fundamental to Tea Party ideology. Marco Rubio at a town-hall meeting at the Wolfeboro Inn in Wolfeboro on October 7. (Mark Ostow / New Hampshire magazine / The Atlantic ) Its uncertain whether any Tea Partier ever really carried a placard that read keep your government hands off my Medicare. But if so, that person wasnt spouting gibberish. The Obama administration had laid hands on Medicare. It hoped to squeeze 500 billion out of the program from 2010 to 2020 to finance health insurance for the uninsured. You didnt have to look up the figures to have a sense that many of the uninsured were noncitizens (20 percent), or that even more were foreign-born (27 percent). In the Tea Partys angry town-hall meetings, this issue resonated perhaps more loudly than any otherthe ultimate example of redistribution from a deserving us to an undeserving them. Yet even as the Republican Main Street protested Obamacare, it rejected the hardening ideological orthodoxy of Republican donors and elected officials. A substantial minority of Republicansalmost 30 percentsaid they would welcome heavy taxes on the wealthy, according to Gallup. Within the party that made Paul Ryans entitlement-slashing budget plan a centerpiece of policy, only 21 percent favored cuts in Medicare and only 17 percent wanted to see spending on Social Security reduced, according to Pew. Less than a third of ordinary Republicans supported a pathway to citizenship for illegal immigrants (again according to Pew) a majority, by contrast, favored stepped-up deportation. As a class, big Republican donors could not see any of this, or would not. So neither did the politicians who depend upon them. Against all evidence, both groups interpreted the Tea Party as a mass movement in favor of the agenda of the Wall Street Journal editorial page. One of the more dangerous pleasures of great wealth is that you never have to hear anyone tell you that you are completely wrong. Jeb Bush on his campaign bus in Rye on November 3. (Mark Ostow / New Hampshire magazine / The Atlantic ) I t was Mitt Romney who got the first postTea Party presidential nomination, and he ran on a platform of Conservatism Classic: tax cuts, budget cuts, deregulation, free tradeall lightly seasoned with some concessions to the base regarding stricter immigration enforcement. The rank and file did not like it. But they could not stop it. The base kept elevating not Romneys into first place, and each rapidly failed or fizzled Romney, supported by a cumulative total of 139 million in primary funds by March 2012, trundled on. Romney ultimately lost the presidential election, of course, to the surprise and dismay of a party elite confident of victory until the very end. One might have expected this shock to force a rethink. The Republicans had now lost four out of the past six presidential elections. Another election had been won only in the Electoral College, despite the loss of the popular vote. Even their best showing, 50.7 percent of the vote in 2004, represented the closest escape of any incumbent president who won reelection since the first recorded popular vote. And yet, within hours of Romneys defeat, Republican donors, talkers, and officials converged on the maximally self-exculpating explanation. The problem had not been the plan to phase out Medicare for people younger than 55. Or the lack of ideas about how to raise wages. Or the commitment to ending health-insurance coverage for millions of working-age Americans. Or the anthems to wealth creation and entrepreneurship in a country increasingly skeptical of both. No, the problem was the one element of Romneys message they had never liked anyway: immigration enforcement. Maybe it was not a good idea for Jeb Bushs allies to describe his fund-raising strategy as shock and awe. Owners of capital assets, employers of low-skill laborers, and highly compensated professionals tend to benefit economically from the arrival of immigrants. They are better positioned to enjoy the attractive cultural and social results of migration (more-interesting food) and to protect themselves against the burdensome impacts (surges in non-English-proficient pupils in public schools). A pro-immigration policy shift was one more assertion of class interest in a party program already brimful of them. Nobody expressed the party elites consensus view more assuredly than Charles Krauthammer. Ignore the trimmers, he wrote in his first postelection column. Theres no need for radical change. The other party thinks it owns the demographic futurecounter that in one stroke by fixing the Latino problem. Do not, however, abandon the partys philosophical anchor No reinvention when none is needed. Weve gotta get rid of the immigration issue altogether, Sean Hannity told his radio audience the day after the election. Its simple for me to fix it. I think you control the border first, you create a pathway for those people that are here, you dont say, You gotta go home. And that is a position that Ive evolved on. A co-owner of Fox NewsKrauthammer and Hannitys TV networkagreed: Must have sweeping, generous immigration reform, tweeted Rupert Murdoch on November 7, 2012. It would be inhumane to send those people back, to send 12 million people out of this country, the casino mogul and Republican donor Sheldon Adelson told The Wall Street Journal in December of that year. Weve got to find a way, find a route, for those people to get legal citizenship. The Republican National Committee made it all official in a March 2013 postelection report signed by party eminences. The report generally avoided policy recommendations, with a notable exception: We must embrace and champion comprehensive immigration reform. To advance the cause, Paul Singer, one of the most open-pocketed GOP donors, made a six-figure contribution to the National Immigration Forum that spring. If all of this sounds like a prescription for a Jeb Bush candidacy for president well, perhaps that was not an entirely unintended consequence. Almost as soon as the new Congress convened in 2013, Senate Republicans worked to strike a deal over immigration issues. A bipartisan Gang of Eight, including Floridas ambitious young Marco Rubio, agreed on a plan that would create a path to citizenship for millions of illegal immigrants and substantially increase legal-immigration limits for both high - and low-skilled workers. Otherwise, the party yielded on nothing and doubled down on everything. No U-turns. No compromises. Ted Cruz at a Practical Federalism forum at Southern New Hampshire University, in Hooksett, on October 3. (Mark Ostow / New Hampshire magazine / The Atlantic ) The new strategy soon proved a total and utter failure. George W. Bushs tax cuts for high earners expired in 2013, and Republicans could not renew them. The drive to cut the deficit ended in budget sequestration, whose harshest effect fell on the military. The Gang of Eight deal never came to a vote in the House. All the while, Republicans approval ratings slipped and slid. Instead of holding on to their base and adding Hispanics, Republicans alienated their base in return for no gains at all. By mid-2015, a majority of self-identified Republicans disapproved of their partys congressional leadershipan intensity of disapproval never seen by the Republican majority of the 1990s nor by Democrats during their time in the majority after the 2006 midterm elections. In fact, disapproval had flared into an outright revolt of the Republican base in the summer of 2014. House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, the No. 2 man in the Republican caucus, had emerged as a leader of the new line on immigration. Up for reelection in Virginias Seventh District, Cantor was challenged that year by a conservative Christian professor of economics, Dave Brat. During Obamas first term, Tea Party insurgents had toppled incumbents and defeated party favorites in primaries from Delaware to Nevada. Those challenges had ended badly in the general election, for the most part: Tea Party Republicans lost at least five Senate seats that might plausibly have been won. Party leaders believed the lesson had been learned and expected their voters to be more tractable in future elections. Cantors loss to Brat jolted House leaders. Immigration reform slipped off their agenda. Marco Rubio repudiated his own deal. But Republican elites outside Congress did not get the message. They rationalized Cantors defeat as a freak event, the sad consequence of a nationally minded politicians neglect of his district. They continued to fill the coffers of Jeb Bush and, to a lesser extent, Rubio and Scott Walker, all reliable purveyors of Conservatism Classic. Last February, three of the partys most important moneymenthe fast-food executive Andrew Puzder, the health-care investor Mike Fernandez, and the national finance chair of Mitt Romneys 2012 campaign, Spencer Zwickpublicly urged the GOP to push ahead toward more-open immigration. America should be a destination for hardworking immigrants from all over the world, said Puzder, an advocate of importing more low-skilled laborers to meet the needs of his high-turnover industry. Zwick said that any presidential candidate who wanted to be taken seriously had better be in a similar place to Jeb Bush on the immigration issue. M aybe it was not a good idea for Jeb Bushs allies to describe his fund-raising strategy as shock and awe. Perhaps the Iraq War reference stirred painful memories, even among Republicans. Still, Bushs fund-raising genuinely inspired awe. In his financial disclosure for the second quarter of 2015, Bush reported raising 11.4 million for his formal campaign and another 103 million for his super PAC. These funds were provided by a relatively small number of very wealthy people. Of Bushs presidential-campaign dollars, only 3 percent arrived in amounts of 200 or less. Almost 82 percent arrived in the maximum increment of 2,700. Nearly 80 percent of Bushs super - PAC take arrived in increments of 25,000 or more about a quarter of the haul was made up of donations of 1 million or more. Yet seldom in the history of fund-raising has so much bought so little, so fleetingly. Between December 2014 and September 2015, Jeb Bush plunged from first place in the Republican field to fifth. Between late September and mid-October, he purchased 60 percent of all political spots aired in New Hampshire. That ad barrage pushed his poll numbers in the state from about 9 percent to about 8 percent. Chris Christie at the 2015 New Hampshire Education Summit in Londonerry on August 19. (Mark Ostow / New Hampshire magazine / The Atlantic ) As the governor of Florida, Bush had cut taxes and balanced budgets. Hed challenged unions and championed charter schools. At the same time, Bush passionately supported immigration liberalization. The central event in his life history was his reinvention as an honorary Latino American when he married a Mexican woman, Columba Garnica de Gallo. He spoke Spanish at home. He converted to Catholicism. He sought his fortune with a Cuban American business partner. In his most quotable phrase, he described illegal immigration as an act of love. Bushs update of Conservatism Classic had made him a hit with the partys big donors. He had won accolades from Karl Rove (the deepest thinker on our side) and Arthur Brooks, the president of the American Enterprise Institute (a top-drawer intellect). Yet within five weeks of his formal declaration of candidacy on June 15, Bushs campaign had been brutally rejected by the GOP rank and file. From Jupiter Island, Florida, to Greenwich, Connecticut from Dallass Highland Park to Sea Island, Georgia from Fifth Avenue in Manhattan to Californias Newport Beach, the baffled question resounded: What went wrong Big-dollar Republican favorites have run into trouble before, of course. Rudy Giuliani imploded in 200708 Mitt Romneys 2012 nomination was knocked off course as Republicans worked their way through a series of alternative front-runners: Rick Perry, Herman Cain, Newt Gingrich, and finally Rick Santorum. But Giuliani lost ground to two rivals equally acceptable to the donor elite, or nearly so: Mitt Romney and John McCain. In 201112, the longest any of the not Romneys remained in first place was six weeks. In both cycles, resistance to the party favorite was concentrated among social and religious conservatives. The mutiny of the 2016 election cycle has been different. By the fall of 2015, a majority of Republicans favored candidates who had never been elected to anything: Donald Trump, Ben Carson, and Carly Fiorina. Fiorinas campaign was perhaps not so unusual. A former CEO, she appealed to the same business-minded Republicans who might have voted for Romney in 2012. Carson appealed to the same religious conservatives that candidates like Mike Huckabee and Santorum had appealed to in prior presidential cycles. What was new and astonishing was the Trump boom. He jettisoned party orthodoxy on issues ranging from entitlement spending to foreign policy. He scoffed at trade agreements. He said rude things about Sheldon Adelson and the Koch brothers. He reviled the campaign contributions of big donorshimself includedas open and blatant favor-buying. Trumps surge was a decisive repudiation by millions of Republican voters of the collective wisdom of their party elite. Trumps grim pessimism didnt resonate with those whod ridden the SampP 500 giddily upward. But it found an audience all the same. When Trump first erupted into the Republican race in June, he did so with a message of grim pessimism. We got 18 trillion in debt. We got nothing but problems Were dying. Were dying. We need money We have losers. We have people that dont have it. We have people that are morally corrupt. We have people that are selling this country down the drain The American dream is dead. That message did not resonate with those whod ridden the SampP 500 from less than 900 in 2009 to more than 2,000 in 2015. But it found an audience all the same. Half of Trumps supporters within the GOP had stopped their education at or before high-school graduation, according to the polling firm YouGov. Only 19 percent had a college or postcollege degree. Thirty-eight percent earned less than 50,000. Only 11 percent earned more than 100,000. Trump Republicans were not ideologically militant. Just 13 percent said they were very conservative 19 percent described themselves as moderate. Nor were they highly religious by Republican standards. Esquerda . Carly Fiorina on a factory tour at Rapid Sheet Metal in Nashua on October 5. Right . Mike Huckabee at former Massachusetts Senator Scott Browns Backyard No BS BBQ in Rye on October 16. (Mark Ostow / New Hampshire magazine / The Atlantic ) What set them apart from other Republicans was their economic insecurity and the intensity of their economic nationalism. Sixty-three percent of Trump supporters wished to end birthright citizenship for the children of illegal immigrants born on U. S. soila dozen points higher than the norm for all Republicans. More than other Republicans, Trump supporters distrusted Barack Obama as alien and dangerous: Only 21 percent acknowledged that the president was born in the United States, according to an August survey by the Democratic-oriented polling firm PPP. Sixty-six percent believed the president was a Muslim. Trump promised to protect these voters pensions from their own partys austerity. Weve got Social Security thats going to be destroyed if somebody like me doesnt bring money into the country. All these other people want to cut the hell out of it. Im not going to cut it at all Im going to bring money in, and were going to save it. He promised to protect their children from being drawn into another war in the Middle East, this time in Syria. If were going to have World War III, he told The Washington Post in October, its not going to be over Syria. As for the politicians threatening to shoot down the Russian jets flying missions in Syria, I wont even call them hawks. I call them the fools. He promised a campaign independent of the influences of money that had swayed so many Republican races of the past. I will tell you that our system is broken. I gave to many people. Before this, before two months ago, I was a businessman. I give to everybody. When they call, I give. And you know what When I need something from them, two years later, three years later, I call them. They are there for me. And thats a broken system. He promised above all to protect their wages from being undercut by Republican immigration policy. Esquerda . Rand Paul at a meet and greet at MaryAnns Diner in Windham on July 26. Right . John Kasich at a town-hall meeting in the Veterans of Foreign Wars building in Derry on August 12. (Mark Ostow / New Hampshire magazine / The Atlantic ) I t cannot last, can it The casino does not always win, Stuart Stevens, Mitt Romneys lead strategist during the 2012 campaign, quipped to me in September. But thats the way to bet. The casino won in 2012, and will very likely win again in 2016. And yet already, Trump has destroyed one elite-favored presidential candidacy, Scott Walkers, and crippled two others, Jeb Bushs and Chris Christies. He has thrown into disarray the partys post-2012 comeback strategy, and pulled into the center of national discussion issues and constituencies long relegated to the margins. Something has changed in American politics since the Great Recession. The old slogans ring hollow. The insurgent candidates are less absurd, the orthodox candidates more vulnerable. The GOP donor elite planned a dynastic restoration in 2016. Instead, it triggered an internal class war. The contest for the presidency turns on external events as much asor more thaninternal party politics. George W. Bushs team believed that the last-minute revelation of a 1976 drunk-driving arrest cost him the popular vote in the 2000 election. Jimmy Carter blamed his 1980 defeat on the debacle of the attempted rescue of American hostages in Iran. So anything can happen. But that does not mean anything will happen. Barring shocks, presidential elections turn on the fundamentals of economics, demography, and ideology. The puzzle for the monied leaders of the Republican Party is: What now And what next after that None of the options facing the GOP elite is entirely congenial. But there appear to be four paths the elite could follow, for this campaign season and beyond. They lead the party in very different directions. Option 1: Double Down The premise of the past few thousand words is that the Republican donor elite failed to impose its preferred candidate on an unwilling base in 2015 for big and important reasons. But maybe that premise is wrong. Maybe Jeb Bush has just been a bad candidate with a radioactive last name. Maybe the same message and platform would have worked fine if espoused by a fresher and livelier candidate. Such is the theory of Marco Rubios campaign. Oreven if the donor message and platform have troublesmaybe 100 million in negative ads can scorch any potential alternative, enabling the donor-backed candidate to win by default. And if not Rubio, maybe the core donor message could still work if joined to a true outsider candidacy: Ben Carsons, for example. Carson is often regarded as a protest candidate, but as The Weekly Standard s Fred Barnes enthused back in January 2015: One thing not in doubt is Carsons conservatism. Hes the real deal, an economic, social, and foreign policy conservative. Carson may say wacky things, but he does not say heterodox things. Yet even if the Republican donor elite can keep control of the party while doubling down, its doubtful that the tactic can ultimately win presidential elections. The change nothing but immigration advice was a self-flattering fantasy from the start. Immigration is not the main reason Republican presidential candidates lose so badly among Latino and Asian American voters, and never was: Latino voters are more likely to list education and health care as issues that are extremely important to them. A majority of Asian Americans are non-Christian and susceptible to exclusion by sectarian religious themes. Option 2: Tactical Concession Perhaps some concession to the disgruntled base is needed. Thats the theory of the Cruz campaign andafter a course correctionalso of the Christie campaign. Instead of 2013s Conservatism Classic Plus Immigration Liberalization, Cruz and Christie are urging Conservatism Classic Plus Immigration Enforcement. True, Cruzs carefully selected words on immigration leave open the possibility of guest-worker programs or other pro-employer reforms after a burst of border enforcement. But Cruz and Christie have seen the reaction to Donald Trumps message, and appear to appreciate the need to at least seem to do something to redress the grievances of the Republican base. Much of the donor elite could likely be convinced that while Jeb Bushs idea of immigration reform would be good to have, it isnt a must-have. Just as the party elite reached a pact on abortion with social conservatives in the 1980s, it could concede the immigration issue to its Main Street base in the 2010s. The party elites change nothing but immigration advice after Romneys defeat was a self-flattering fantasy from the start. Yet a narrow focus on immigration populism alone seems insufficient to raise Republican hopes. Trump shrewdly joins his immigration populism to trade populism. On the Democratic side, Bernie Sanderss opposition to open borders is logically connected to his hopes for a Democratic Socialist future: His admired Denmark upholds high labor standards along with some of the worlds toughest immigration rules. Severed from a larger agenda, howeveras Mitt Romney tried to sever the issue in 2012immigration populism looks at best like pandering, and at worst like identity politics for white voters. In a society that is and always has been multiethnic and polyglot, any national party must compete more broadly than that. Which brings us to Option 3: True Reform Admittedly, this may be the most uncongenial thought of them all, but party elites could try to open more ideological space for the economic interests of the middle class. Make peace with universal health-insurance coverage: Mend Obamacare rather than end it. Cut taxes less at the top, and use the money to deliver more benefits to working families in the middle. Devise immigration policy to support wages, not undercut them. Worry more about regulations that artificially transfer wealth upward, and less about regulations that constrain financial speculation. Take seriously issues such as the length of commutes, nursing-home costs, and the anticompetitive practices that inflate college tuition. Remember that Republican voters care more about aligning government with their values of work and family than they care about cutting the size of government as an end in itself. Recognize that the gimmick of mobilizing the base with culture-war outrages stopped working at least a decade ago. Esquerda . Rick Santorum at Murphys Diner in Manchester on July 25. Center . Lindsey Graham at the Milford Labor Day parade on September 7. Right . George Pataki at the Granite State Brewers Association Summerfest at Arms Park, in Manchester, on July 25. (Mark Ostow / New Hampshire magazine / The Atlantic ) Such a party would cut health-care costs by squeezing providers, not young beneficiaries. It would boost productivity by investing in hard infrastructurebridges, airports, water-treatment plants. It would restore Dwight Eisenhower to the Republican pantheon alongside Ronald Reagan and emphasize the center in center-right . To imagine the change is to see how convulsive it would beand how unlikely. True, center-right conservative parties backed by broad multiethnic coalitions of the middle class have gained and exercised power in other English-speaking countries, even as Republicans lost the presidency in 2008 and 2012. But the most-influential voices in American conservatism reject the experience of their foreign counterparts as weak, unprincipled, and unnecessary. In parliamentary democracy, winning or losing is starkly binary: A party either is in power or is the opposition. In the American system, that binary is much blurrier. Republicans can, of course, exert some control over government as long as they hold any one of the House, Senate, or presidency. Which brings us finally to Option 4: Change the Rules of the Game The filibuster used to be bad. Now its good. So Fred Thompson, the late actor and former Republican senator, jokingly told an audience on a National Review cruise shortly after Barack Obama won the presidency for the first time. How partisans feel about process issues is notoriously related to what process would benefit them at any given moment. Liberals loved the interventionist Supreme Court in the 1960s and 70s, hated it in the 1990s and 2000sand may rotate their opinion again if a President Hillary Clinton can tilt a majority of the Supreme Court their way. Its an old story that may find a new twist if and when Republicans acknowledge that the presidency may be attainable only after they make policy changes that are unacceptable to the party elite. There are metrics, after all, by which the post-2009 GOP appears to be a supremely successful political party. Recently, Rory Cooper, of the communications firm Purple Strategies, tallied a net gain to the Republicans of 69 seats in the House of Representatives, 13 seats in the Senate, 900-plus seats in state legislatures, and 12 governorships since Obama took office. With that kind of grip on state government, in particular, Republicans are well positioned to write election and voting rules that sustain their hold on the national legislature. The president may be able to grant formerly illegal immigrants the right to work, but he cannot grant them the right to vote. In this light, instead of revising Republican policies to stop future Barack Obamas and Hillary Clintons, maybe its necessary to revise only the party rules to stop future Donald Trumps from confronting party elites with their own unpopularity. The inaugural issue of The Weekly Standard . the conservative magazine launched in 1995, depicted thenSpeaker of the House Newt Gingrich swinging into action, a submachine gun blazing in his left hand, under the headline Permanent Offense. But that was then. Maybe the more natural condition of conservative parties is permanent defenseand where better to wage a long, grinding defensive campaign than in Congress and the statehouses Maybe the presidency itself should be regarded as one of those things that is good to have but not a must-have, especially if obtaining it requires uncomfortable change. Read Follow-Up Notes What happens to an elite whose followers withdraw their assent Does it self-examine Or does it take refuge in denial Does it change Or does it try to prevent change Does it challenge itself to build a new political majority Or does it seize the opportunities the American political system offers to compact and purposeful minorities When its old answers fail, will it think anew Or will it simply repeat louder the dogmas that enthralled supporters in the past Americans love the crush of competition, the hard-fought struggle, the long-slogging race. But much more than the pundits Who will win, it is these deeper questions from the election of 2016 that will shape the future of American politics. Against Donald Trump For the third time since The Atlantic s founding, the editors endorse a candidate for president. O caso de Hillary Clinton. Em outubro de 1860, James Russell Lowell, editor fundador do Atlântico. Advertiu nestas páginas sobre a perecível da grande experiência democrática americana se os cidadãos (na época, brancos, cidadãos do sexo masculino) deixassem de levar a sério a sua franquia: Numa sociedade como a nossa, onde cada homem pode transformar seu pensamento privado em história e Uma responsabilidade peculiar recai sobre o indivíduo. Embora, durante o seu mandato, o governo seja praticamente tão independente da vontade popular quanto o da Rússia, mas, de quatro em quatro anos, o povo é chamado a Pronunciar sobre a condução de seus negócios. Teoricamente, pelo menos, para dar à democracia uma base de argumentação com o despotismo ou a oligarquia, a maioria dos homens que a compõem deveria ser estadistas e pensadores. Humans Wont Ever Live Far Beyond 115 Years Medical advances might keep us healthier for longer, but biology could have limits that technology cant overcome. Jeanne Louise Calment spent all of her incredibly long life in Arles, France. She was born there in February 1875 and died there in August 1997. At the time of her death. she was the oldest person ever recordedand she still is. Perhaps she always will be. For years, people have been saying that the first human who will live to 150 has already been born. Thats unlikely, say Jan Vijg, Xiao Dong, and Brandon Milholland, from the Albert Einstein College of Medicine. After looking at demographic data from the last century. they think that human lifespan has a hard ceiling at around 115 years. A few rare individuals like Calment may surpass that limit, if only slightly, but on average, our species will not. Mike Pence Pretends That Trump Never Happened The vice-presidential nominee points to one path forward for Republicans in 2020albeit one that seems unlikely to work. They call it the debate that meant nothing. Thats true if your mind is focused on November 8, as most minds are. But if you care to gaze a little further into the future than that, Tuesday nights vice-presidential debate revealed something big: a deep appetite among traditional Republicans for traditional Republicanism. Governor Mike Pence appeared on the stage on Tuesday night as a candidate of strong defense, traditional alliances, social conservatism, lower taxes, and limited governmentall things that have been a little out of style in the past 18 months. Pence, however, made the strategic decision that this message was a message Republican voters would now welcomeand judging by the first reaction among Republicans and Republican-leaners, Pence got that decision right. Pence chose not to play the part of Donald Trumps defense attorney. He did not come to rebut, to mitigate, or to justify Trumps words or actions. He evaded and parried almost every Trump-specific attack, in order to champion Republicanism as it existed pre-Trumpand as he seems to hope it will re-emerge post-Trump. Many in the media, like my Atlantic colleague James Fallows, have worried about normalizing Trump by accepting the unacceptable. Pence was normalizing Trump in a very different way: by refusing to accept the unacceptable. In this, Pence prefigured one possible way that mainstream Republicans will deal with the Trump candidacy after its all over. The Trump candidacy succeeded because of a massive revolt among rank-and-file Republicans against their leaders. Should the Trump candidacy fail, as now seems likely, those leaders stand ready to deny that the revolt ever happened. Instead, theyll have a story of a more or less normal Republican undone only because (as Pence said last night) hes not a polished politician. The solution for 2020 Bring back the professionalsand return to business as usual. Its unlikely to work. But you can understand why its an attractive message to a party elite that discovered to its horror that it had lost its base and lost its way. The Psychology of Victim-Blaming When people want to believe that the world is just, and that bad things wont happen to them, empathy can suffer. In August, the comedian and former Inside Amy Schumer writer Kurt Metzger reignited a national conversation about victim-blaming when he posted a series of rants on social media criticizing the ways women report being the victim of a crime and the effects of those reports on the accused. After the Upright Citizens Brigade theater in New York banned a performer in the wake of several women accusing him of sexual assault and abuse, Metzger took to Facebook. I know because women said it and thats all I need Never you mind who they are. They are women ALL women are as reliable as my bible A book that, much like a women, is incapable of lying Metzger wrote in a now-deleted Facebook post. He went on to seemingly criticize women for not going to the police, adding If we ask them to even merely also post a vague account of what happened before asking us to believe that would like re-raping their rape Can Mike Pences Denial of Reality Work for Him Fact-checkers are having a field day with the Republican vice-presidential nominees statements during the debate. Life moves pretty fast, Ferris Bueller observed, and had he been a pundit, he might have added that narratives move even faster. It was just Tuesday night that Mike Pence was being declared the obvious winner of the vice-presidential debate. Scarcely 12 hours later, the story of the day is the huge gulf between what Pence said about Trump and what Trump actually says himself. In The Washington Post . James Hohmann declares. Pence wins, Trump loses. Politico rustles up 6 things Trump definitely said that Pence claimed he didnt. According to some reports, Trump is angry that Pence upstaged him with a better performance. One reason for these reactions is that the Trump campaign is down, and when a candidate is down, pundits tend to analyze everything as bad for him. Abortion Returns to the Debate The issue finally came up at the vice-presidential debate on Tuesday night, showing why religion and conscience are important in this election. In a debate filled with yelling and interruptions, it was the moment when Tim Kaine and Mike Pence finally got quiet: They were talking about their struggles with faith. Kaine spoke about having to preside over executions while he was governor of Virginia, even though hes morally opposed to the death penalty. Pence, however, turned the question around and brought up an issue no moderator has dared to ask about: abortion. For me. the sanctity of life proceeds out of a belief in that ancient principle of God, Pence said. What I cannot understand is Hillary Clintonhow she can support a process like partial-birth abortion. He recognized that Kaine holds pro-life views, but I cannot conscience a party that supports that. Why the Safe-Space Debate Is a Problem for Adjuncts The debate over academic freedom and the desire to make students feel welcome leaves professors job security in a precarious limbo. The University of Chicago lit up social-media feeds last month after its dean of students published a letter informing incoming freshmen that safe spaces and trigger warnings had no place on a campus dedicated to freedom of inquiry and expression. Although some journalists noted that the letter may have been aimed at pleasing high-profile right-wing donors, opposition to such measures doesnt track neatly along party lines. Neither the Marxist philosopher Slavoj iek nor the paleoconservative pundit Ann Coulter has much use for so-called political correctness measures. As is usually the case with blanket denunciations of these terms, the deans letter doesnt bother to define either safe space or trigger warninga major problem for adjuncts and other vulnerable university employees, whether they are required to use them or to refrain from doing so. And since safe spaces are now a critical part of modern pedagogy. students may have utilized them in other areas long before encountering harried, at-will instructors thrust into introductory courses at the very last minute . Republicans Can Understand Science and Still Deny Climate Change Climate skeptics arent generally more science illiterate than everyone else, according to a new poll. The most hopeful news in Tuesdays big Pew report on climate change and partisanship isnt particularly uplifting, honestly. The research agency found that 70 percent of Americans believe that climate scientists should have a major role in the countrys climate and energy policy. This is roughly like 70 percent of Americans saying they believe seismologists should have a say in the nations earthquake policy. And after that vote of support, confidence in the field drops off. Less than a third of Americans think climate scientists understand the causes of climate change very well. Less than a fifth think they understand the best ways to address it. But most Americans, across both parties, do credit climate scientists with at least a fair amount of confidence to act in the public interest. I Drank Coffee Like a Gilmore Girl To promote the shows return, Netflix set up 200 pop-ups across the U. S. to give fans free caffeine. and an extra shot of nostalgia. I shouldve brought coffee to wait for this coffee, my neighbor lamented. And: Same. It was earlyand I mean eeearly on Wednesday morning, and I was one member of an extremely long line of people who were all waiting for 1) free caffeine, and 2) what we were told would be an IRL experience of the late, lamented Gilmore Girls . Netflix, to promote the new season of the show that will air in November, set up pop-up versions of Gilmore Girls s iconic diner, Lukesthe setting where so much of the shows action (which is to say, rapid-fire dialogue between the girls in question, Lorelai and Rory Gilmore) took place. The pop-ups popped up, on Wednesday, at locations around the country (some 200 in all). And Iwewere at one of Washington, D. C.s three versions of Lukes: the one set up at Flying Fish Coffee and Tea in the Mount Pleasant neighborhood. Clinton and Trump Are Shuffling the Electoral Map Democrats are increasingly looking toward Sunbelt states rather than Rustbelt states for victory in 2016 and beyond. Not long ago that would have been unthinkable. In the campaigns final weeks, Hillary Clintons position now looks stronger in Florida than in Ohio in Virginia than in Wisconsin and in Colorado and even North Carolina than in Iowa. In other news, the sun today rose in the West. With Trump advancing in Rustbelt states dominated by older and blue-collar whites and struggling in Sunbelt states that contain more younger, college-educated and minority voters, these starkly polarized patterns of support are reconfiguring the Electoral College map by accelerating long-developing trends rooted in changing demography and shifting partisan allegiance. From the mid-1960s through the early part of this century, this pattern of relatively greater strength for Clinton in the Sunbelt than Rustbelt would have been unrecognizable to Democratic strategists. Now, The 2016 race is explosively fast-forwarding changes in the campaign map that many political professionals had expected to unfold more gradually over the next decade. Dont Sneak: A Fathers Command to His Gay Son in the 1950s In a StoryCorps animation, Patrick Haggerty remembers the remarkable advice he got from his dairy farmer dad. Como um editor permanece na caixa de entrada Zero Algumas regras simples podem ajudá-lo a gastar menos tempo respondendo e-mails. How Well-Meaning, Intelligent People End Up in a Cult EnlightenNext was an organization that promised spiritual awakening. Instead, it turned into a complicated, often-sinister community. Subscribe Newsletters Follow About Reality check: Elections arent really binary choices Stop me if yoursquove heard this one before: Elections are binary choices. You have to choose one or the other. Does that mean I have to choose between Burger King and McDonaldrsquos, and Chick-fil-a isnrsquot an option As the alternatives for various offices presented by the two major political parties become increasingly puke-worthy with each passing election cycle (just take a look at CRrsquos Liberty Scorecard for evidence of this), the binary choice claims are reaching a crescendo (as is the hyperbolic fear-mongering each side does regarding the other). However, just because something is said a lot mdash and said so emphatically mdash doesnrsquot make it true. Dont Miss A Tweet The simplest dictionary definition of ldquobinaryrdquo is ldquoconsisting of involving two. rdquo Add the word ldquochoicerdquo to it, and the philosophical definition becomes, ldquoA choice that compels one to choose between the only two predetermined options. rdquo Therersquos just one problem for the binary choice crowd, though. Thatrsquos precisely what an election isnrsquot. For example, there is a long and exhaustive list of presidential candidates on the ballot across the country. Not to mention the write-in option as well. So right away, therersquos nothing compelling anyone to limit his choice whatsoever. ldquoBut Steve, rdquo some of you will say, ldquoa vote for anybody other than major party candidate A is really a vote for major party candidate B. rdquo That may be your opinion of the impact of such an action, and itrsquos not an unreasonable one. But thatrsquos all it is mdash your opinion. Opinions arenrsquot facts, despite the fact we live in a culture that has as its new national motto, ldquoI emote therefore, I am. rdquo After all, I may be of the opinion voting for knuckle-dragging progressives just because theyrsquore Republicans will prove to be wasted votes once theyrsquore in office. Yet thatrsquos just an opinion, too. The fact is a vote for someone is counted by the powers-that-be as a vote for that someone. Just like when I order a Dr. Pepper, my money goes to Dr. Pepper/Snapple Group, not either of the major soda options Coca-Cola Company or PepsiCo. That doesnrsquot even address the sophomoric nature of this flawed assertion to begin with. For if not voting for A is really a vote for B, then it must also be true that not voting for B is really a vote for A. A real binary choice is your gender, because that was predetermined for you at birth. So yoursquore compelled to choose either male or female. The biology doesnrsquot change regardless of psychosis or political correctness. No matter what I scream on the outside, I still have either X or Y chromosomes on the inside, and nothing can change that. The great irony here is that the only real binary choices that exist in our way of life are all the predetermined moral ones we as a people are abandoning at warp speed. In fact, our system of government makes almost no binary choice demands. You know, that whole ldquoconsent of the governedrdquo and ldquolife, liberty, and pursuit of happinessrdquo thing that puts the emphasis on individual freedom. The great irony here is that the only real binary choices that exist in our way of life are all the predetermined moral ones we as a people are abandoning at warp speed. Even military conscription, one of the worst infringements on our freedom our government can enforce, isnrsquot a binary choice between serving and dodging the draft. From the founding of the country, wersquove allowed for conscientious objectors for numerous reasons. Some compare voting to jury duty, but that comparison doesnrsquot hold either. You can be compelled by government to show up for jury duty. You are not compelled by any authority to show up and vote. Once in the jury pool, you can be excused for any number of reasons. Thus, not even jury duty is a binary choice between guilty and not guilty. If I can be excused from having to make the choice at all, then by definition itrsquos not a compulsion or a binary choice to begin with. Then once wersquore even on the jury we can be excused or dismissed for a plethora of reasons. We can also have hung juries, which void the entire proceeding, if only one juror holds out in some cases. Speaking of juries, the verdict is in. Voting is not a binary choice, but it is a moral one.
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